10.14718/ACP.2025.28.17

Article Sexting in School Settings: Narrative Review of Risk and Protective Factors (2020-2023) Sexting en contexto escolar: Revisión narrativa de factores de riesgo y protección (2020-2023)

Maribel Vega-Arce ¹
Gastón Núñez-Ulloa ²
Denise Mora ³
Gonzalo Salas ^4*

¹ Universidad Católica del Maule, Talca, Chile
0000-0002-8251-3058

² Universidad Autónoma de Chile, Talca, Chile
0000-0001-6486-8333

³ Universidad Andrés Bello, Concepción, Chile
0009-0005-7610-0328

⁴ Universidad Católica del Maule, Talca, Chile
0000-0003-0707-8188

^* Contact information: Department of Psychology, Universidad Católica del Maule. Avenida San Miguel 3605, Talca, Chile.
gsalas@ucm.cl.

Conflict of interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest regarding the subject of this research.

Received: December 27, 2023
Review decision: June 3, 2025
Accepted: July 7, 2025

How to cite [APA]: Vega-Arce, M., Núñez-Ulloa, G., Mora, D., & Salas, G. (2025). Sexting en contexto escolar: Revisión narrativa de factores de riesgo y protección (2020-2023) [Sexting in school settings: Narrative review of risk and protective factors (2020-2023)]. Acta Colombiana de Psicología, 28, 1-39. https://doi.org/10.14718/ACP2025.28.17

Abstract

The objective of this study was to integrate and analyze recent research on the risk and protective factors associated with sexting among school-aged children and adolescents under 18 years old. A narrative review was conducted, following SANRA criteria using the PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science databases. Fourteen empirical studies (2020-2023) addressing factors associated with sexting in school populations were selected, and a thematic analysis and qualitative assessment of methodological quality were applied. Findings were organized into five categories: demographic and socioeconomic factors, psychological factors, peer dynamics, contextual factors, and the influence of technology. Specifically, increased age, belonging to sexual or ethnic minorities, low self-control, peer pressure, and dysfunctional family dynamics were associated with greater involvement in sexting, particularly under pressure or without consent. In contrast, parental involvement, stable family structure, school connectedness, religious participation, and personal strengths such as authenticity and a sense of justice emerged as protective factors. Sexting is a complex phenomenon influenced by multiple factors interacting across different levels of the developmental ecosystem. Evidence-based prevention efforts are required, particularly within school settings.

Keywords: sexting, social networks, childhood, adolescence, psychology, sex education

Resumen

El objetivo del presente estudio fue integrar y analizar investigaciones recientes sobre los factores de riesgo y protección asociados al sexting entre niñas, niños y adolescentes escolares menores de 18 años. Se realizó una revisión narrativa, siguiendo criterios SANRA, en las bases de datos PubMed, Scopus y Web of Science. Se seleccionaron 14 estudios empíricos (2020-2023) que abordaran factores asociados al sexting en población escolar, y se aplicó un análisis temático y una evaluación cualitativa de calidad metodológica. Los hallazgos se organizaron en cinco categorías: factores demográficos y socioeconómicos, psicológicos, dinámicas con pares, factores contextuales e influencia de la tecnología. Específicamente, se encontró que el aumento de edad, pertenecer a minorías sexuales o étnicas, el bajo autocontrol, la presión de pares y las dinámicas familiares disfuncionales se asociaron a mayor involucramiento en sexting, especialmente bajo presión o sin consentimiento. En contraste, el acompañamiento parental, la estructura familiar estable, la conexión escolar, la participación religiosa y fortalezas personales como la autenticidad y el sentido de justicia son factores protectores. El sexting es un fenómeno complejo, influido por factores múltiples que interactúan en distintos niveles del ecosistema de desarrollo. Se requiere una prevención basada en evidencia, especialmente en el entorno escolar.

Palabras clave: sexting, redes sociales, infancia, adolescencia, psicología, educación sexual

Introduction

Sexting, understood as sharing sexually explicit messages, images, or videos of oneself through electronic means, is a global phenomenon. Its prevalence has increased over time, with estimates for 2018 indicating a rate of 14.8% for sending this type of material and 27.4% for receiving it (Madigan et al., 2018).

After its use in mass media since 2005 (Rosenberg, 2011), sexting has become a topic of growing interest and controversy for education, policy, and legislation at the international level (Crofts & Lee, 2013; Jaishankar, 2009; McGovern et al., 2016; Patchin & Hinduja, 2024; Slane, 2013). Although it is currently accepted as a normative behavior among young people (Mori et al., 2019), the conceptualization of sexting remains contentious due to the diversity of settings and dynamics involved (Barrense-Días et al., 2017). These span a continuum ranging from consensual exchanges to unwanted and coercive interactions between adults (Klettke et al., 2019), child sexual abuse material (Crofts & Lievens, 2018), or extortion involving minors (Wolak et al., 2018).

Over the past decade, research has contributed to this discussion with a growing volume of publications (Ngo et al., 2017). The topics addressed initially explored the legal implications of sexting, later shifting toward the psychological and social characteristics of individuals who engage in it (Mercado et al., 2016), including certain personality traits such as extraversion and openness to new experiences (Jeanfreau et al., 2022).

Likewise, the associating of sexting with victimization—both in intimate partner violence (Ross et al., 2019) and in violence targeting minors through cyberbullying—as well as with sexual solicitations from adults (Gámez-Guadix & Mateos-Pérez, 2019), technology-facilitated child sexual abuse in the form of grooming, or the dissemination of child sexual abuse material (Chauviré-Geib & Fegert, 2023), has collectively raised concern within the academic community.

In this regard, one study estimated that although most exploitative or abusive images involving children and adolescents are produced by peers—such as acquaintances, friends, or intimate partners of the victim—it is concerning that in 59.2% of cases an adult was involved as producer, recipient, or non-consensual distributor, and that 32.6% of victims were unsure of who the perpetrator was (Finkelhor et al., 2023).

Nonetheless, sexting does not appear to manifest in a single form. Authors such as Dodaj and Sesar (2022) distinguish between relational, reactive, forced, and violent sexting. Other scholars differentiate between experimental sexting, in which content is shared within the intimacy of a trusting relationship as part of sexual exploration (Wolak et al., 2018); emotional sexting, which resembles other behaviors aimed at regulating negative emotions (Bianchi et al., 2023); risky sexting, which involves engaging in the behavior within a more dangerous context (Morelli et al., 2021); and aggravated sexting, when sexual content is shared without consent or under coercion (Van Ouytsel et al., 2020).

Recently, several authors have begun to organize and evaluate accumulated knowledge on sexting, and some of their main conclusions indicate that approximately one in five young people sends such messages, one in three receives them, and one in seven forwards sexts without consent. Moreover, sexting rates among youth appear to have stabilized due to saturation in device ownership, and studies have found greater awareness of associated risks (Mori et al., 2022), as well as evidence that the way sexting is defined and assessed affects the way it is reported (Klettke et al., 2014; Krieger, 2017; Walker & Sleath, 2017).Furthermore, although sexting is not necessarily harmful (Mori et al., 2019), its occurrence among minors is associated with multiple forms of digital victimization, even when practiced occasionally. For these reasons, prevention is considered a priority within school settings (Finkelhor et al., 2024).

In this regard, systematic reviews and meta-analyses consistently indicate that sexting is associated with a higher likelihood of being sexually active (Handschuh et al., 2019) and of engaging in risky sexual behaviors (Klettke et al., 2014; Livingstone & Smith, 2014), such as unprotected sex, a higher number of sexual partners (Kosenko et al., 2017), and the use of alcohol and drugs prior to sexual activity (Smith et al., 2016). On the other hand, the meta-analysis conducted by Mori et al. (2019) indicates that sexting is a mental health risk factor, particularly associated with depression and anxiety in young people (Gassó et al., 2019; Medrano et al., 2018).

According to the systematic review by Doyle et al. (2021), sexting among children and adolescents is defined and assessed by considering different types of media (images, videos, and text messages), modes of transmission, and actions involved (production, sending, receiving, and forwardin g). Beyo nd these variations, however, sexting among school-aged population has been largely associated with increased sexual activity and risky behaviors, including early sexual debut and drug use during sexual interactions. The authors further note that complex relationships are reported between sexting and issues such as anxiety, depression, stress, and quality of life. Likewise, this phenomenon carries important social implications, as it may influence how young people connect and interact with their peers and withing romantic relationships, with marked gender differences. Moreover, the distribution and public exposure of sexual content may extend its impact beyond the individuals involved, potentially affecting broader communities and social systems.

Furthermore, the systematic review by Paulus et al. (2024) reports that sexting is a specific digital sexual behavior distinct from pornography consumption, although both are related to early digital sexualization. Indeed, the authors state that pornography consumption appears to be a risk factor for non-consensual sexting.

Currently, sexting continues to be an area of scholarly interest, and although contradictory evidence exists regarding its incidence during the COVID-19 health crisis (Gassó et al., 2021; Lehmiller et al., 2021), the context of confinement, stress, and access to digital pathways made it possible to further clarify how it develops. In this regard, adaptive or maladaptive coping appears to mediate the relationship between pandemic-related stress and different forms of sexting. This suggests that stress management may influence the manifestation of digital sexual behaviors, where social support is associated with safer or more emotionally connected practices, whereas avoidance or problem-solving difficulties is linked to risky sexting and to its use as an emotion-regulation strategy (Bianchi et al., 2023).

This implies that although sexting appears to be a relatively normative sexual behavior among adolescents (Van Ouytsel et al., 2018), it is necessary to explore the motives underlying its practice (Goh et al., 2023) in order to prevent its adverse implications. In fact, it is highly likely that much of the data collected from adults reflects their engagement in sexting during their school years (Mori et al., 2020), which underscores the importance of leveraging the educational setting as the most suitable context (Ojeda & Del Rey, 2022) for implementing scientifically grounded prevention strategies (Dodaj & Sesar, 2022).

However, despite advances in international research on sexting, the Spanish-language literature on among school-aged populations remains scarce and fragmented, which hinders the implementation of interventions (Dodaj & Sesar, 2022; Ojeda & Del Rey, 2022). This constitutes a barrier to evidence-based prevention efforts.

Considering the above, this review aims to integrate and analyze recent research on risk and protective factors associated with sexting among school-aged children and adolescents under 18, examining the multiple demographic, psychological, social, contextual, and technological influences. By clarifying these variables, the aim is to provide essential insights for addressing digital sexual behavior of children and adolescents and for implementing school-based prevention initiatives.

Method

Design

The aim of this study was addressed through a narrative review. This type of synthesis allows for the compilation, integration, and contextualization of recent evidence on a focused topic. Its use is appropriate for identifying gaps in the last two to three years, informing future research, and guiding the development of protocols and guidelines (Agarwal et al., 2023).

Specifically, the SANRA criteria (Baethge et al., 2019) were used as a framework to safeguard the quality of the review. Based on these criteria, the relevance of the topic—particularly within the professional context—was established, and the review's objective and contribution were explicitly defined. In addition, the bibliographic search strategy was described to ensure the traceability of the source selection process; the relevance, currency, and representativeness of sources were assessed; the findings were critically and coherently integrated and discussed; and, finally, the relevant results were presented clearly.

Search Strategy

The search was conducted in November 2023 in PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science, three academically relevant databases. Their selection is warranted given their status as leading scientific indexes, the quality of their documents, and the breadth of their thematic coverage. Their use in this review is complementary and facilitates the integration of contributions emerging from the social sciences, psychology, medicine, and education (Hosseiniara, 2023; Tarazi, 2024). The search string used is detailed in Table 1.

Table 1.  Search string

The algorithm was devised by combining different descriptors for sexting with the age range of interest, using Boolean operators to structure the search. In addition, only English-language terms were included due to their cross-database consistency, and scales and reviews were excluded given the focus of the study.

Article Selection

A purposive sampling was used based on the results of the search string, limiting the selection to empirical studies published between 2020 and 2023 that directly examined the relationship between sexting and its associated factors in school settings. Likewise, articles in English and Spanish were included, while secondary sources, opinion articles, and editorials referring to youth aged 18 or older or to university students were excluded. Likewise, studies focused on school sexting prevention or intervention programs, and articles not available in full text were not selected.

The process of identifying and selecting the studies included in the narrative review was conducted in consecutive phases. First, 308 records were identified through database searches, of which 112 were dupli­cates. Titles and abstracts of the remaining 196 articles were subsequently screened, leading to the exclusion of 148 that did not meet the established thematic or population criteria. From this screening, 48 full-text documents were reviewed, of which 34 were excluded due to access limitations, inadequate age range, or methodological design issues. Ultimately, 14 studies were selected for inclusion in the analysis.

Rigor in the selection process was ensured through a verification mechanism in which the relevance of each identified text was confirmed by a second author; in cases of discrepancy, a third author was consulted to resolve disagreements (Lim et al., 2022). Efforts were made to ensure clarity and transparency throughout the entire process in order to carry out a careful selection based on thematic relevance and substantive contribution of each study to the objectives of the review.

Data Analysis

The data analysis was conducted in three stages. First, the articles were characterized in order to contextualize their specific contribution and facilitate comparison. Then, following Hatzenbuehler et al. (2024), a qualitative quality assessment was carried out using five criteria: type of design, sample representativeness, use of validated instruments, control of bias variables, and clarity in the operationalization of sexting. Each study was further evaluated qualitatively by estimating different levels of rigor (high, medium, or low) according to a predefined matrix. Subsequently, an overall quality rating was assigned, in which a study was considered high quality when it met at least four of the five criteria at high level; medium quality when it presented between two and three high-level criteria and no low ratings; and medium-low when it presented two or more criteria rated as low.

Finally, a thematic analysis was conducted following Codina's (2020) phases: (1) formulating an analytic framework aligned with the objectives; (2) applying the framework to all documents; (3) constantly comparing the results to generate new interpretations; and, if necessary, (4) revising and adjusting the framework. This enabled a faceted synthesis, structuring the various documents by subtopics within the area of study and weighing convergent aspects according to the methodological quality of the articles supporting them.

Results

Article Characterization

The selected studies were produced by groups of between two to eight authors, representing ten different countries (Germany, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Croatia, Spain, the United States, Ireland, Israel, and

Switzerland). In addition, the samples originated from nine countries (Australia, Belgium, Croatia, Scotland, Spain, the United States, Israel, Nicaragua, and Switzerland), and the age of the participating children and adolescents started at nine years old.

Table 2.  General characteristics of the selected articles (N = 14)

Methodological Quality

Regarding the qualitative assessment of methodological quality, six studies were rated as high quality, five as medium quality, and three as medium-low quality. Table 3 summarizes the methodological quality assessment.

Table 3.  Summary of methodological quality rating (N = 14)

The studies rated highest in methodological quality were characterized by longitudinal designs or the use of psychometrically validated instruments, nationally or state-representative samples, rigorous statistical controls, and precise definitions of the sexting construct. In contrast, lower-rated studies tended to rely on ad hoc items, local samples, or purely descriptive designs, which limits the generalizability of their findings.

Overall, the 14 studies analyzed exhibit heterogeneous methodological quality, with a significant proportion meeting adequate standards regarding design, bias control, and instruments used. However, some studies show limitations in one or more evaluated criteria.

Regarding the instruments employed, seven studies used internationally validated scales or those developed with robust psychometric criteria (e.g., YRBS, DASS-21, RSES, Character Strengths Inventory), while the remainder relied on ad hoc items or partial adaptations without reported validation.

Additionally, all studies included statistical controls for bias variables—such as sex, age, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, or psychological factors—though with varying levels of thoroughness. Finally, the operationalization of sexting was considered clear in most cases, albeit with differences regarding the inclusion of consensual, non-consensual, or pressured behaviors. These considerations indicate that the methodological quality of the analyzed corpus is adequate and provides a sufficient foundation for conducting the narrative review.

Thematic Categorization

The contents of the articles were categorized into five themes: demographic and socioeconomic factors, psychological factors, peer dynamics, contextual factors, and the influence of technology and digital social networks.

Demographic and Socioeconomic Factors

The demographic factors studied include age, sex, sexual orientation, ethnicity, and family income.

Specifically, the findings indicate that older age is positively associated with sexting among children and adolescents. Research consistently reports that as children and adolescents grow older, the overall prevalence of sexting increases (Hunter et al., 2021; Ruvalcaba et al., 2022; Yépez-Tito et al., 2021), as does the occurrence of its subtypes, such as sending nude images of oneself, receiving images without the portrayed person's consent, and redistributing images without consent (Seto et al., 2023). In line with this, the occurrence of sexting behavior would appear to increase with the educational level of children and adolescents (Dolev-Cohen & Ricon, 2020; Van Ouytsel et al., 2020).

Sex is another key demographic variable, although the findings are somewhat inconclusive. In some studies, such as Holt et al. (2021), girls were more likely to engage in sexting; whereas in others, such as Yépez-Tito et al. (2021), boys were more associated with sexting; while some studies found no significant differences, as in Barrense-Días et al. (2022). Moreover, the type of sexting varies by sex: boys reported higher prevalence of receiving sexts compared to girls (Ruvalcaba et al., 2022) and were more involved in non-consensual sexting, whereas girls were more involved in pressured sexting (Wachs et al., 2021) and passive sexting, without actively creating or sending sexual content (Hunter et al., 2021).

Sexual orientation is also highly relevant in relation to the onset and maintenance of sexting, as sexual minority youth show higher prevalences of sexting behaviors compared to their heterosexual peers. For example, 16.7% of gender minority youth had sent a sexting image in the two months prior to the study by Van Ouytsel et al. (2020), compared with 8.4% of sexual minority youth. Specifically, students identifying as LGBT had higher prevalence of receiving sexting compared to heterosexual students (Ruvalcaba et al., 2022). In addition, children and adolescents belonging to gender minorities participate more in consensual sexting (Wachs et al., 2021) and are more likely to share or receive redistributed non-consensual images (Seto et al., 2023).

Regarding ethnicity, non-Caucasian children had a higher likelihood of receiving redistributed images without consent compared to Caucasian children (Seto et al., 2023). Similarly, non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic students showed a higher prevalence of receiving sexts compared to non-Hispanic White students (Ruvalcaba et al., 2022).

In addition to the above, inconsistent results were found regarding socioeconomic status, as one study reported small but positive associations between higher family income and all sexting-related behaviors, such as sending nude images of oneself, receiving images without the subject's consent, redistributing images without consent, and non-consensual leakage of one's own images (Seto et al., 2023); whereas in another study, those engaging more frequently in sexting perceived themselves as having lower socioeconomic status (Barrense-Días et al., 2022).

Finally, three demographic factors—being female, belonging to an ethnic minority (understood as non-Caucasian), and being part of a sexual minority— were independently associated with pressured sexting (Wachs et al., 2021). Regarding the latter, a higher percentage of gender minority youth (44.4%) experienced pressure to send sexting images, compared to approximately 20% of heterosexual youth (Van Ouytsel et al., 2020).

Psychological Factors

The psychological factors examined include psychological variables, externalizing problems, mental health issues, and emotional well-being difficulties, although the studies do not indicate whether these precede sexting, arise as a consequence thereof, or are stable characteristics in children and adolescents.

Specifically, certain psychological variables—such as curiosity, humor (Yépez-Tito et al., 2021), self-esteem (Buric et al., 2020), and low self-control (Holt et al., 2021)—are associated with greater engagement in sexting. In addition, body satisfaction plays a mediating role in the relationship between internet addiction and sexting practices. In this regard, a positive correlation was identified between internet addiction and sexting, whereas body satisfaction shows a negative correlation with internet addiction, suggesting an indirect relationship between body satisfaction and sexting (Tamarit et al., 2021). Furthermore, values such as justice and authenticity in youth are negatively associated with active sexting (Yépez-Tito et al., 2021).

It was also found that frequent sending of intimate images is related to poor emotional well-being (Barrense-Días et al., 2022). In general, externalizing and internalizing problems are linked to a higher risk of engaging in cyberdeviant behaviors (cyberbullying, hacking, cyberfraud, digital piracy, among others), including sexting. More specifically, a statistically significant association was observed between externalizing problems and a greater likelihood of participating in sexting. This indicates that children and adolescents with externalizing problems—such as impulsiveness, aggressiveness, or disruptive behavior—are more likely to engage in sexting (Brewer et al., 2023).

Additionally, sexting among children and adolescents has been associated with mental health issues, particularly anxiety (Buric et al., 2020), depression (Buric et al., 2020; Wachs et al., 2021), and non-suicidal self-harm. However, it is important to note that when examining the type of sexting and its implications for mental health, consensual sexting does not show a significant association with these mental health outcomes, unlike non-consensual sexting and pressured sexting, which do show positive and significant associations with depressive symptoms and non-suicidal self-harm. Moreover, it should be noted that female adolescents and White heterosexual adolescents who experienced pressured sexting reported higher levels of depressive symptoms and non-suicidal self-harm, suggesting that the impact of pressured sexting may be more severe in these groups (Wachs et al., 2021).

Peer Dynamics

Interpersonal dynamics show a possible relationship with sexting (Buric et al., 2020), insofar as research indicates that sexting may occur in the context of romantic relationships as well as with friends, potential partners, or strangers (Dolev-Cohen & Ricon, 2020). In this regard, group dynamics, actions aimed at pressuring children and adolescents to engage in sexting, and violent dynamics within dating relationship can be differentiated.

Specifically, individuals' beliefs about what their friends consider acceptable regarding sexting are related to their own behavior, highlighting the value of perceived peer norms for behaviors such as sending, receiving, or redistributing nude or sexually explicit images (Seto et al., 2023). Additionally, the pursuit of peer popularity may be related to sexting (Buric et al., 2020).

Moreover, pressure to send or request sexts has been identified as a relevant factor in sexting among children and adolescents (Van Ouytsel et al., 2020, 2021), given that pressured sexting is positively related to both consensual and non-consensual sexting (Wachs et al., 2021).

Regarding pressure experienced in different types of relationships, susceptibility to romantic pressure and peer pressure are factors associated with sexting (Hunter et al., 2021). In this regard, although the study by Van Ouytsel et al. (2022) found that a relatively small proportion of adolescents reported having sent sexts under pressure, this group differed by showing higher rates of risk behaviors, particularly the use of substances such as alcohol, cigarettes, e-cigarettes, marijuana, hard drugs, and misuse of prescription medication; as well as previous sexual experiences.

Lastly, involvement in violent dynamics within dating relationships was significantly associated with sexting among children and adolescents. Specifically, students who had experienced physical and sexual violence in dating contexts, as well as those who experienced sexual violence outside of dating relationships, showed a higher prevalence of sexting (Ruvalcaba et al., 2022).

Contextual Factors

Contextual factors correspond to variables related to the family, educational settings, and attendance at religious services. The family variables studied show positive or negative associations with sexting. These include family structure, family climate, parenting style, and parental monitoring.

Regarding family structure, living with both parents is associated with a lower number of young people who received unwanted sexts (Van Ouytsel et al., 2021). In contrast, young people who did not live with both parents sent this type of material several times or at least once at higher rates than those who, coming from this type of family structure, never engaged in sexting (40.9%, 43.6%, and 30.5%, respectively) (Barrense-Días et al., 2022).

Similarly, parental love and support are negatively associated with sexting, including a lower incidence of active and passive sexting (Hunter et al., 2021); and an adverse family climate is also associated with greater engagement in sexting. Thus, a high frequency of intense fights, aggressive behaviors within the family, and dynamics in which family members systematically ignore one another correspond to greater involvement in sexting and a progressive increase in its frequency over time (Buric et al., 2020).

Indeed, parenting style and parental monitoring influence participation in sexting. Specifically, sending sexual messages, with or without photos, is related to lower parental monitoring. Furthermore, requesting nude or semi-nude photos is positively predicted by a more permissive parenting style and lower parental monitoring; and being asked to send nude or semi-nude photos is also negatively associated with parental monitoring (Dolev-Cohen & Ricon, 2020).

In terms of educational variables, sexting among children and adolescents is associated with academic performance and the school environment. Youth who reported having sent intimate images of themselves several times were more likely to report below-average academic performance. Specifically, the group that engaged in sexting several times reported almost three times the rate of low academic performance compared to the group that never engaged in sexting (19.3% vs. 7.1%) (Barrense-Días et al., 2022).

Likewise, the school environment also plays a role in sexting among children and adolescents, insofar as students who feel more connected to their school tend to report lower levels of passive sexting. Conversely, active sexting is more prevalent among youth attending schools participating in the Mentors in Violence Prevention program, which could have been hypothesized to operate as a protective factor (Hunter et al., 2021).

Finally, a negative correlation is observed between attending religious services and involvement in sexting (Seto et al., 2023).

Influence of Technology and Digital Social Networks

Research shows a relationship between technology, digital social networks, and sexting (Tamarit et al., 2021). Specifically, access to technological resources among children and adolescents appears to be associated with active sexting (Yépez-Tito et al., 2021), although no significant differences were found regarding smartphone ownership (Barrense-Días et al., 2022). Additionally, time spent on online forums and viewing pornography are related to a higher likelihood of engaging in sexting (Holt et al., 2021).

Furthermore, it is important to note that sexting takes place through various digital social networking platforms and messaging applications (Snapchat, Facebook Chat, and Instagram) (Dolev-Cohen & Ricon, 2020), as well as dating apps, secondary accounts, and encrypted applications (Seto et al., 2023). Snapchat and Facebook Chat are used differently by gender, with Snapchat being more often used by girls and Facebook Chat by boys (Dolev-Cohen & Ricon, 2020).

In particular, cyberbullying victimization is asso­ciated with sexting among children and adolescents, especially receiving insulting or threatening messages via text or image—through SMS, WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter (now X), Instagram, or Snapchat—or having insulting, embarrassing, or rumor-spreading messages or images sent to their friends through the aforementioned media. Although the temporal order between sexting and cyberbullying cannot be established, the evidence indicates that young people who engage in sexting are more vulnerable to harmful digital experiences (Barrense-Días et al., 2022).

Discussion

This narrative review integrated empirical evidence on risk and protective factors associated with sexting among children and adolescents under 18 years of age in school settings. The findings confirm that sexting is a heterogeneous sexual behavior whose manifestations must be differentiated between consensual practices, practices carried out under pressure, and non-consensual practices. Risk and protective factors can be understood in terms of their specific configuration within the relational and cultural context of contemporary childhood and adolescence.

Among the main risk factors are increasing age, sexual orientation, belonging to ethnic and gender minorities, low self-control, exposure to peer or partner pressure dynamics, precarious family and school environments, and participation in digital spaces without adult mediation. Notably, children and adolescents belonging to sexual, ethnic, and gender minorities show greater exposure to coercive forms of sexting. Similarly, permissive parenting practices, negative family climate, limited parental monitoring, school disengagement, and exposure to online sexual content increase the likelihood of engaging in sexting, especially in its non-consensual or pressured forms.

In contrast, several factors have been identified as protective against sexting, particularly in its non-consensual or pressured forms. These include consistent parental involvement, the presence of clear boundaries, and open communication about sexuality and technology use. In this regard, a stable family structure mitigates external pressures, strengthening the decision-making capacity of children and adolescents.

At school level, connection to the educational institution, academic engagement, and participation in programs focused on coexistence and digital citizenship are associated with a lower likelihood of engaging in sexting, possibly because they provide shared normative frameworks, among other implications. Likewise, religious participation appears in some studies as an indirect protective factor, as does the development of personal strengths such as authenticity, a sense of justice, and critical thinking, which enhance resistance to peer pressure and the protection of privacy. Together, these factors promote a safer, more self-regulated, and reflective experience of digital sexuality during the school years.

The methodological quality of the analyzed corpus is adequate to support the findings, particularly those related to demographic and socioeconomic factors, psychological factors, and peer dynamics. However, the predominance of cross-sectional studies, as well as the diversity of instruments used and operational definitions of sexting, limits the scope of the analysis.

These conclusions are consistent with the findings of previous research, as they highlight the complexity of the sexting phenomenon among children and adolescents and reveal that it is a behavior underpinned by the interaction of factors corresponding to different levels of the ecosystem. Nevertheless, it is necessary to empirically examine whether these variables interact in shaping the propensity toward sexting—whether they moderate, exacerbate, or mitigate its (negative or positive) impact, or whether they may even represent outcomes of certain experiences, particularly among groups of children and adolescents who are most vulnerable to pressured sexting. In this regard, it is important to consider that identity is built through interaction, and that aspects such as reputation—as studied by Huneháll Berndtsson and Odenbring (2021) in relation to sexting—may influence the life trajectory of children and adolescents.

Furthermore, Molla-Esparza et al. (2020), in a three-level meta-analysis, found that all forms of sexting increase with age, beginning at 12 years old, with high and rising prevalence of sending and receiving sexual messages among young people. In this regard, this review obtained information that supports this assertion but extends the age range to nine years old based on the research by Seto et al. (2023).

In addition, previous studies showed that children and adolescents belonging to sexual minorities spend more daily hours on recreational screen time (television, YouTube videos, video games, digital social networks, mobile phones, video chat, and internet browsing) compared to those who identify as heterosexual (Na-gata et al., 2023). This identifies them as a particularly vulnerable group to online exploitation and abuse.

Finally, regarding pressured sexting, it is important to relate these findings to those of Joleby et al. (2021). These authors observed that individuals who committed online sexual aggression against children and adolescents used two strategies: pressure (threats, bribes, or scolding) and ingratiation (flattery, acting like a friend, or expressing affection). These approaches are used selectively, and it was found that younger offenders tended to resort to pressure tactics and targeted older children compared to those who used "friendly" language. In this sense, sexting may serve as a pathway to sexual aggression that does not necessarily align with what children and adolescents and their caregivers would expect, and that may be mediated by personality variables (Resett et al., 2022). Moreover, when engagement in sexting is accompanied by disinhibition and direct sexual advancement strategies, it significantly contributes to the risk of becoming a grooming victim. This suggests that sexting is not only a risk behavior in itself for children and adolescents, but that it can also heighten their vulnerability to online sexual exploitation (Schoeps et al., 2020).

Taken together, and consistent with the arguments presented by Fix et al. (2021) and Giordano et al. (2022), the findings of this review highlight the importance of incorporating sexting into sex education programs. The internet is a fundamental part of the daily life of children and adolescents, often with limited adult supervision both at home and at school, which facilitates constant use of various platforms for recreational rather than academic purposes (Pacheco et al., 2018).

Finally, it is worth highlighting the fifteen lines of action for addressing sexting proposed by Ojeda and Del Rey (2022, p. 1665), namely:

1. Developing specific sexting programs.

2. Promoting safe and healthy use of ICT, the Internet, and social networks.

3. Raising awareness about the consequences and risks of sexting.

4. Incorporating information about sexting into sex education programs.

5. Training professionals.

6. Promoting sexual ethics.

7. Raising awareness about gender roles and stereotypes.

8. Developing rules and implementing protocols.

9. Encouraging coherence between the different parties involved.

10. Working on the risk factors associated with the peer group.

11. Considering the ideas and experiences adolescents.

12. Improving the school environment.

13. Developing measures adapted to vulnerable groups.

14. Applying disciplinary or legal measures, if needed.

15. Incorporating sexting into preventive programs that tackle other associated risks.

In line with these actions, this review suggests that early digital literacy should be considered a minimum standard for children under nine years of age and their caregivers. Moreover, considering the results of a recent meta-analysis regarding the identity of online offenders against minors, programs should include education on aggressive peers, acquaintances of the children and adolescents who may use online avenues to victimize them, and strangers who may prey on them through digital platforms (Sutton & Finkelhor, 2023). In particular, it appears urgent to emphasize inappropriate online requests.

In this regard, friendly texts such as First Phone: A Child's Guide to Digital Responsibility, Safety, and Etiquette (Pearlman, 2022) are valuable tools to share with children and adolescents and parents, as well as for educators seeking an initial approach to guide children from the age of eight.

Likewise, peer support may play a meaningful role, as Hartikainen et al. (2021) found that children and adolescents provided one another with information, emotional support, and advice on how to handle negative online sexual experiences and mitigate their long-term repercussions, often drawing on their own adverse experiences. Adolescents appeared to converge on a shared set of norms for handling sexting situations safely and supportively, suggesting that both in-person and online peer-support platforms could be a promising avenue to explore.

Similarly, the proposals of Van der Gaag et al. (2023) regarding professional competencies required for sex education with children and adolescents are relevant for application within educational systems, namely: (a) maintaining updated and clearly defined policies and guidelines aligned with legal and ethical frameworks on sex education; (b) supporting educators' commitment in addressing sexuality-related issues, along with strengthening their knowledge, communication skills, incident management, and access to sensitive information; and (c) providing sex education that is inclusive and respectful of cultural, religious, and gender diversity.

Finally, it is important to note that this study presents several limitations that should be considered when interpreting its findings. First, the methodology used for selecting articles requires interpretation and judgment, which may introduce bias, as it depends on the research team's assessment and may reflect their views on the topic. Additionally, the review relied on three major academic databases with limited coverage, which restricts publications to those indexed within them and potentially excludes other relevant studies, such as those available exclusively in regional databases like Scielo. This limitation is significant, as it may affect the representativeness and comprehensiveness of the documents. Likewise, variability in the cultural and geographical contexts of the reviewed studies may limit the applicability of the results, given that different cultures or subcultures may hold diverse norms, attitudes, and practices regarding sexting (Molla-Esparza et al., 2020), suggesting that the findings may not be directly applicable or representative of all populations globally.

Despite these limitations, this study has enhanced the understanding of the protective and risk factors associated with sexting among school-aged children and adolescents. In the current era, in which information and communication technologies have expanded the possibilities for interaction through mobile phones, tablets, and computers, new risk factors must be considered. Therefore, it is relevant for future research to conduct longitudinal studies examining how sexting evolves over time, further explore its protective factors (Pistoni et al., 2023), and develop qualitative research to investigate the personal experiences of children and adolescents engaged in this behavior, particularly those belonging to vulnerable groups and younger age cohorts.

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